I found it amusing that Serbs would envision themselves as modern-era Asterixes. At about the same time, the Yugoslav newspapers started running stories about “clan gatherings” and “tribal meetings.” Another spoof about rebellious Gaul plotting against Julius Caesar, right? Wrong! Those are dead-serious protests by anti-independence Montenegrins who resist the split with Serbia and want to preserve Yugoslavia in its present (already very truncated) form.
Three months ago Montenegro presented Serbia with a platform redefining the relations between the two republics within Yugoslavia. Montenegro said that unless this plan was accepted by Belgrade it would be submitted to Montenegrins in a referendum. Talks last Tuesday between the ruling parties of the two republics were inconclusive, but the fact that talks were held was a sign that the drift of Montenegro toward independence has concentrated the mind of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic has acted wisely: he has adopted a sort of “salami secession” whereby his republic has slowly but surely asserted its own identity–through relaxing visas and border controls, foreign policy, air links, with money and passports likely to follow–while maintaining the soothing label of “Yugoslavia.”
In Montenegro itself the issue looks like a battle between the forces of “Star Wars” and the Gauls of cartoon books. On the one hand is Djukanovic, on political fast-forward as he gathers frequent-flier miles, his international agenda publicized on a few Web sites (such as www.montenegro.com and www.predsjednik.cg.yu). On the other hand, in the north of Montenegro, part of the pro-Serb population has hit the fast-backward button; they have rediscovered the medieval structures in which clan allegiance is expressed not on the Internet but by a show of three fingers, the traditional Serb greeting.
In mid-August, soon after Djukanovic’s plan was published, the tribal gatherings started. First the Rovce clan, meeting in Medjurecje near Kolasin in the north of the republic, announced that “The calls for Montenegro’s secession are tantamount to inviting the Rovce clan to take up weapons. If Montenegro parts with Serbia, the Rovce clan will secede from Montenegro.”
Two weeks later the tribal gatherings were in full bloom. The Vasojevici said they would never accept the secession of Montenegro–but that if secession came, they would remain a part of Serbia (incidentally Milosevic, of Montenegrin origin, is from Vasojevici). The clans Uskoci and Drobnjaci (the latter boasting two indicted war criminals in their ranks: Radovan Karadzic and Veselin Sljivancanin) promised that they “will employ all their abilities, knowledge, courage and determination to preserve Yugoslavia.” Clan Zecani said they cannot change their national being, nor their statehood and spirit, their honor and dignity, “not for their lives, let alone for American flour or Italian macaroni.” This anti-pasta bias was later explained by the clans Brajici, Majini, Pastrovici and Pobori gathered on Oct. 9 in Becici on the coast: “The people passed their verdict on the last independent Montenegrin state, sponsored by fascist Italy in 1941… by taking up arms.”
Who on earth are these guys? They are indeed genuine clans, a little like the ones in Scotland. But until recently, the clan was a dormant form of social structure, relegated to encyclopedias and epic songs. Yet Montenegrins have always known who belonged to which clan. And in this part of the world conscience and myth is the stuff ethnic cleansing is made of. Remember Kosovo Polje.
Today’s clan gatherings, called mostly to oppose Djukanovic, are weekend events attended by a few hundred to 2,000 people. The clan members are often bused in with help from the pro-Milosevic Popular Socialist Party, led by Momir Bulatovic. In mid-September Djukanovic acknowledged the danger: “Milosevic obviously has no other method but to attempt the territorial dismemberment of Montenegro and to jeopardize [its] civilian peace by way of tribal rallies.” Meanwhile the clan Piper illustrated his words by declaring that in case “the state status of Montenegro is changed against the will of the people” they would re-examine the decision of their clan from 1796 to join Montenegro. Needless to say, this was music to the ears of the Belgrade newspaper Vecernje Novosti, which backs Milosevic. The paper crowed: “In their proclamation the Pipers condemned the active participation of Montenegrin officials in American plans to break up Yugoslavia.”
Should we be merely amused; or is this truly scary? Playing with ethnic divisions in this part of the world is dangerous. What if the north of Montenegro became suddenly the land of Bjelopavlici, Bjelice, Boljevici, Bratonozici, Brceli, Ceklici, Cuce… talk about Balkanization! In truth the Balkans produce more history than they are able to digest. The problem is this: rather as happens in atomic fission, in the process of dividing themselves, those who live in the Balkans produce more energy than is safe for them–or the rest of the world.
