Behind The Wall S Fall

A decade later, the collapse of communism looks like a preordained script: Solidarity’s triumph in Poland in June; Hungary’s decision to open its border with Austria in the summer, allowing East Germans to begin a stampede that set the stage for Nov. 9; Czechoslovakia’s “Velvet Revolution”; the bloody end of Nicolae Ceausescu’s reign in Romania, and, on Oct. 3, 1990, Germany’s formal reunification.

But the key players were by no means certain of the outcome. As recently declassified phone conversations between Bush and Kohl demonstrate, world leaders scrambled to keep up with events even as they sought to control them. With notetakers at their side, both men knew they were speaking to history. Yet amid their formal declarations of steadfastness and mutual admiration, there are flashes of passion and personality. The Bush Presidential Library has made these “memcons”–memorandums of telephone conversations–available for a special exhibition that will open at the Allied Museum in Berlin on Nov. 9. NEWSWEEK’s exclusive excerpts from the White House records provide a behind-the-scenes look at the phone diplomacy of 1989.

KOHL: The changes in East Germany are quite dramatic. None of us can give a prognosis. There is an enormous unrest among the population. Things will become incalculable if there are no reforms. My interest is not to see so many flee East Germany, because the consequences there would be catastrophic… I’m also concerned about media [coverage] that, crudely speaking, holds that the Germans are now committed to Ostpolitik and discussions about reunification and that they are less interested in the West. This is absolute nonsense… Without a strong NATO, none of these developments in the Warsaw Pact would have occurred…

BUSH: I couldn’t agree more. We are trying to react very cautiously and carefully to change in East Germany… We are getting criticism in the Congress from liberal Democrats that we ought to be doing more to foster change, but I am not going to go so fast as to be reckless.

KOHL: I’ve just arrived from Berlin. It is like witnessing an enormous fair. It has the atmosphere of a festival. The frontiers are absolutely open. At certain points they are literally taking down the wall and building new checkpoints…. This is a dramatic thing; an historic hour… Without the U.S. this day would not have been possible. Tell your people that.

BUSH: First, let me say how great is our respect for the way West Germany has handled all of this… I want to see our people continue to avoid especially hot rhetoric that might, by mistake, cause a problem…

KOHL: Thank you. Give my best to Barbara. Tell her that I intend to send sausages for Christmas.

KOHL: I had a long conversation with Gorbachev. Of course, the Soviets are concerned. I told Gorbachev that if [East German leader Egon] Krenz does not carry out reforms, the system will fail.

BUSH: It is important that Germans see that they have the support and sympathy of their Allies… In spite of Congressional posturing, the U.S. will stay calm and support reforms. The euphoric excitement in the U.S. runs the risk of forcing unforeseen action in the USSR or East Germany. We will not be making exhortations about unification or setting any timetables. We will not exacerbate the problem by having the President of the United States posturing on the Berlin Wall.

KOHL: The situation continues to be dramatic. Between January 1 and today, 80,000 have come to the West from the East. That is why I suggested a monetary union and an economic community. We will have to urge the government that comes in after March 18 to go through with these…

Let me say a few words about my talks in Moscow. Gorbachev was very relaxed. But the problems he faces are enormous–nationalities, the food supply situation–and I do not see a light at the end of the tunnel yet. We also discussed that the two German states should be working together with the Four Powers–the U.S., the U.K., France, and the USSR I told Gorbachev again that the neutralization of Germany is out of the question.

BUSH: Did he acquiesce or just listen? How did he react?

KOHL: My impression is that this is a subject about which they want to negotiate, but that we can win that point.

BUSH: Helmut…. You’re a hell of a campaigner!

KOHL: Thank you… The results are very important for the NATO question.

BUSH: Helmut, your firm stand on a united Germany remaining a full member of NATO is great… We need to continue holding firm. This is vitally important for European security and stability and for the U.S.

BUSH: I am getting ready for [Gorbachev’s] big visit.

KOHL: That is why I am calling. One thing that is very important for Gorbachev to understand is that irrespective of developments, we will stand side by side. And one sign of this cooperation are the links between us by the future membership of a united Germany in NATO without any limitations. You should make this clear to him, but in a friendly way. A second point: we can find a sensible economic arrangement with him. He needs help very much. He should also know that we have no intention of profiting from his weakness.

BUSH: I will assure him we are side by side… We want him to come out feeling he has had a good summit.

KOHL: George, first of all, Gorbachev is in excellent shape… He is aware of his special situation and of his responsibilities. And he is aware he has to act quickly, to get through pluralism, to change society, and to get through the necessary legislation by the end of this year. And I told him that there would be no chance to receive Western aid if he doesn’t get these reforms through… We also discussed extensively his determination to pursue the modernization of his country. He said something I had never heard before. He told me his grandfather was tortured and imprisoned under Stalin. His wife said her grandfather was liquidated under Stalin–remarkable…

One other interesting thing: we talked about German-U.S. relations in our one-on-one. I told him this relationship was of great importance. And I told him that if the Soviets try to undermine it, this would affect German relations with the USSR. His reply will be of interest to you. He said they had learned a lesson that it was wrong to try to make the U.S. withdraw from Europe, and that they hadn’t succeeded in this in the past. Finally, he impresses me as a man who knows himself well, and who has a sense of self-irony. He has burned all his bridges behind him. He can’t go back, and he must be successful.

BUSH: Helmut! I am in a meeting with members of our Congress and am calling on this historic day to wish you well.

KOHL: Things are going very, very well. I am in Berlin. There were one million people here last night at the very spot where the Wall used to stand–and where President Reagan called on Mr. Gorbachev to open this gate. Words can’t describe the feeling…. American Presidents from Harry Truman all the way up to our friend George Bush made this possible.

title: “Behind The Wall S Fall” ShowToc: true date: “2023-01-10” author: “Judith Gosch”

A decade later, the collapse of communism looks like a preordained script: Solidarity’s triumph in Poland in June; Hungary’s decision to open its border with Austria in the summer, allowing East Germans to begin a stampede that set the stage for Nov. 9; Czechoslovakia’s “Velvet Revolution”; the bloody end of Nicolae Ceausescu’s reign in Romania in December, and, on Oct. 3, 1990, Germany’s formal reunification.

But the key players were by no means certain of the outcome. As recently declassified phone conversations between Bush and Kohl demonstrate, world leaders scrambled to keep up with events even as they sought to control them. With note takers at their side, both men knew they were speaking to history. Yet amid their formal declarations of steadfastness and mutual admiration, there are flashes of passion and personality. The Bush Presidential Library at Texas A&M University has made these “memcons”–memorandums of telephone conversations–available for a special exhibition that will open at the Allied Museum in Berlin on Nov. 9. NEWSWEEK’s exclusive excerpts from the White House records provide a behind-the-scenes look at the phone diplomacy of 1989.

KOHL: The changes in East Germany are quite dramatic. None of us can give a prognosis. There is an enormous unrest among the population. Things will become incalculable if there are no reforms. My interest is not to see so many flee East Germany, because the consequences there would be catastrophic… I’m also concerned about media [coverage] that, crudely speaking, holds that the Germans are now committed to Ostpolitik and discussions about reunification and that they are less interested in [Europe] and the West. This is absolute nonsense… Without a strong NATO, without the necessary development of the European Community, none of these developments in the Warsaw Pact would have occurred… It would also be good for you, as soon as you can, to deliver a public message that progress in disarmament and changes in the east are possible only if we stand together.

BUSH: I couldn’t agree more. I know the heartbeat of Germany. The strength of NATO has made possible these changes in Eastern Europe. We are seeing a spate of stories about German reunification resulting in a neutralist Germany and a threat to Western security. We do not believe that. We are trying to react very cautiously and carefully to change in East Germany. We have great respect for the way West Germany under your leadership has been handling this situation. You have done a great job… We are getting criticism in the Congress from liberal Democrats that we ought to be doing more to foster change, but I am not going to go so fast as to be reckless.

KOHL: I’ve just arrived from Berlin. It is like witnessing an enormous fair. It has the atmosphere of a festival. The frontiers are absolutely open. At certain points they are literally taking down the wall and building new checkpoints. At Checkpoint Charlie, thousands of people are crossing both ways… This is a dramatic thing; an historic hour… Without the U.S. this day would not have been possible. Tell your people that.

KOHL: That’s very good of you.

BUSH: I want to tell the U.S. press of our talk, that you gave mea thorough briefing, that you did publicly acknowledge the role of the U.S., and that you and I agreed to talk later next week.

KOHL: Excellent.

BUSH: Take care, good luck. I’m proud of the way you’re handling an extraordinarily difficult problem.

KOHL: Thank you. Give my best to Barbara. Tell her that I intend to send sausages for Christmas.

KOHL: I had a long conversation with Gorbachev. Of course, the Soviets are concerned. I told Gorbachev that if [East German leader Egon] Krenz does not carry out reforms as in Poland and Hungary, the system will fail.

BUSH: It is important that Germans see that they have the support and sympathy of their allies…We appreciate West Germany’s stand and your stand personally. In spite of congressional posturing, the U.S. will stay calm and support reforms in just the way you talk about. The euphoric excitement in the U.S. runs the risk of forcing unforeseen action in the U.S.S.R. or East Germany that would be very bad. We will not be making exhortations about unification or setting any timetables. We will not exacerbate the problem by having the president of the United States posturing on the Berlin wall.

BUSH: Helmut, how are you?

KOHL: The situation continues to be dramatic. Between Jan. 1 and today, 80,000 have come to the West from the East. That is why I suggested a monetary union and an economic community. We will have to urge the government that comes in after March 18 to go through with these…

Let me say a few words about my talks in Moscow. Gorbachev was very relaxed. He has just had a difficult week in the Central Committee, but he was confident that at the Party Congress he would see things through. But the problems he faces are enormous–nationalities, the food-supply situation–and I do not see a light at the end of the tunnel yet. We also discussed that the two German states should be working together with the Four Powers–the U.S., the U.K., France, and the U.S.S.R. I told Gorbachev again that the neutralization of Germany is out of the question.

BUSH: Did he acquiesce or just listen? How did he react?

KOHL: My impression is that this is a subject about which they want to negotiate, but that we can win that point.

BUSH: Helmut, how are you? I called to congratulate you. You’re a hell of a campaigner!

KOHL: Thank you… George, the most important thing for you in Washington is that before the elections everyone predicted that everyone would vote on the left, but the results proved them wrong. The results are very important for the NATO question.

BUSH: Helmut!

KOHL: Good morning! How are you?

BUSH: I am getting ready for [Gorbachev’s] big visit.

KOHL: That is why I am calling. One thing that is very important for Gorbachev to understand is that irrespective of developments, we will stand side by side. And one sign of this cooperation are the links between us by the future membership of a united Germany in NATO without any limitations. You should make this clear to him, but in a friendly way, and also make it clear that is the view I hold. There should be no doubt about that. A second point: we can find a sensible economic arrangement with him. He needs help very much. He should also know that we have no intention of profiting from his weakness.

BUSH: I will assure him we are side by side… We want him to come out feeling he has had a good summit, even though there are no major breakthroughs. I think we can do it. We have a wide range of agreements to sign.

BUSH: Helmut, congratulations to you.

KOHL: Thank you very much. Do you have time to discuss my trip for a few minutes?

BUSH: Yes, I do. I am very anxious to hear what happened.

KOHL: George, first of all, Gorbachev is in excellent shape… Gorbachev is aware of his special situation and of his responsibilities. And he is aware he has to act quickly, to get through pluralism, to change society, and to get through the necessary legislation by the end of this year. And I told him that there would be no chance to receive Western aid if he doesn’t get these reforms through… My impression is that we cannot exclude a change in his staff.

BUSH: Oh, really.

KOHL: I’m speaking about his economic people, not his foreign policy advisors. But he is dissatisfied with his economic people and some of the advice he has been getting…

One aspect that was interesting to me was–and we also discussed this extensively–his determination to pursue the modernization of his country. He said something I had never heard before. He told me his grandfather was tortured and imprisoned under Stalin. His wife said her grandfather was liquidated under Stalin–remarkable…

One other interesting thing: we talked about German-U.S. relations in our one-on-one. I told him this relationship was of great importance. And I told him that if the Soviets try to undermine it, this would affect German relations with the U.S.S.R. His reply will be of interest to you. He said they had learned a lesson that it was wrong to try to make the U.S. withdraw from Europe, and that they hadn’t succeeded in this in the past. I touched upon this repeatedly, and I think he was serious in his reply.

Finally, he impresses me as a man who knows himself well, and who has a sense of self-irony. He has burned all his bridges behind him. He can’t go back, and he must be successful.

BUSH: Helmut! I am sitting in a meeting with members of our Congress and am calling on this historic day to wish you well.

KOHL: Things are going very, very well. I am in Berlin. There were one million people here last night at the very spot where the wall used to stand–and where President Reagan called on Mr. Gorbachev to open this gate. Words can’t describe the feeling… American presidents from Harry Truman all the way up to our friend George Bush made this possible. I would like to thank you again for all your support for us.

BUSH: America is proud to have stood with you through these negotiations, and we identify with the hopes of the German people.